It is certainly strange in this putatively representative democracy that a corrosive practice just the opposite has been allowed since almost the nation's birth. Gerrymandering — the mapping of electoral districts so as to all but guarantee outcomes — goes on and on. It dates from 1812.

In June or before, the Supreme Court is expected to have its say on whether a couple of states — Wisconsin and Maryland — have gone too far. The Court has several times in the past stepped in to halt mapping that is clearly race-based. It did so almost a year ago when it slammed North Carolina for packing blacks into
The original gerrymander, from the
Boston Gazette of 26 March 1812,
named after Governor Elbridge Gerry
for signing a bill that redistricted
Massachusetts to benefit his Democratic
party. It was thought to look
like a salamander.
two districts — "with almost surgical precision”, the court said — to remove their influence from neighboring areas. But the Court has never until now accepted cases where the gerrymandering has no racial component to justify the Court's involvement.

One reason for such diffidence is that the Constitution leaves it to the states to control "The Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections", although it could be argued that gerrymandering doesn't quite fit those parameters. But that doesn't mean the states are free to violate principles elsewhere in the Constitution, and cases have been brought that say gerrymandering treats voters unequally, afoul of the equal protection clause of the 14th Amendment.

One solution is to turn over the design of election maps to non-partisan commissions. California led the way in 2017. Other states — Arizona, Florida, Iowa, Ohio — have taken measures with the same goal in mind, some planning for commissions for state legislatures, but not for Congress. But the great preponderance of states are free to go on subverting democracy with… Read More »

The moment Donald Trump took office, the U.S. Navy pressed him to keep his word. While campaigning, the future president had pledged to expand the fleet to the 355 front-line warships the Navy and its supporters had been urging for years to meet the new threats posed by Russia and China. The cutback after the end of
The USS Hopper, Active in affirming freedom of navigation in the South China Sea.
the Cold War, when Reagan-era spending boasted a fleet of 594 ships, 15 of them carriers, had left the Navy with a mere 275 ships, a total inadequate to the demands placed on it to patrol the world's seas.

The Navy had at the ready its "Force Structure Assessment" that called for building out the fleet with more carriers, submarines, destroyers and amphibious assault ships. They declared their plan "executable". Their "2018 Navy Shipbuilding Plans" was already in the works. Implementation would be subject to Congressional budget allocations, of course, but a stronger military was Republican doctrine and the government — from White House to Capitol Hill — was now under Republican control.

True to plan, in mid-December, Congress passed and President Trump signed the 2018 National Defense Authorization Act which made a 355-ship Navy national policy, to be achieved "as soon as practicable". To meet the global needs of combatant commanders the Navy assessment for 2018 called for 12 carriers, 104 large surface combatants, and 66 attack submarines.

The Navy's concerns are justified. Both Russia and China chafe at the United States setting the rules of a world order and the effrontery of our navy… Read More »